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5^> 






SHORT VIEW 

OF THE 

ADMINISTRATIONS 



AMERICA. 



SHORT VIEW 

OF THE 

ABMINISTJEATIONS 

IN THE 

GOVERNMENT of AMERICA, 

UNDER THE 

JFormet ©rwfoenw, 
The late General WASHINGTON, 

AND 

JOHN ADAMS; 

AND OF THE 

PRESENT ADMINISTRATION, 

UNDER 

THOMAS JEFFERSON: 

WITH CURSORY 

OBSERVATIONS 

On the present State of 

The Revenue, Agriculture, Commerce, Manufactures, 
and Population of the 

THE UNITED STATES. 
By GEORGE^HENDERSON, Esq. 



Quare agite, et primo laeti cum lumine, solis, 

Quae loca, quive habeant homines, ubi moenia gentis, 

Vestigemus, et a portu divers a petamus. Virg. 



iilonijon 



PRINTED FOR J. HATCHARD, BOOKSELLER TO HER MAJESTY, NO. 190, 

OPPOSITE YORK HOUSE, PICCADILLY, AND G. AND J. ROBINSON, 

PATERNOSTER-ROW. 

3802. 



£ 



V 



SO 









SIK JOHN SINCJLAIK, 

or 

ULBSTER, 

Monet: 

THE FOLLOWING PAGES 

ARE 
MOST RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED 

BY HIS 

OBEDIENT 

HUMBLE SERVANT, 



ApMJfclao* THE AUTHOR. 



Til 



Apology is the usual, ana 

not unfrequently, the affected excuse for 
imbecility; but the sincerity in which it is 
offered for the imperfections that will too 
conspicuously discover themselves in the 
succeeding endeavour, may possibly ob- 
tain a share of that indulgence they so pe- 
culiarly demand: and though it should be 
found not sufficiently forcible to turn the 
shaft of criticism altogether, at least to 
mitigate some degree of it's severity. 

The few materials from which the fol- 
lowing sketches have been drawn, were 

collected in the country to which their 

subject is confined; and procured from 

sources, were it of sufficient consequence 

particularly to speak, that it is believed 

could not lessen the slight information 

they aim to convey. In able hands they 

might have been formed into more perfect 

shape. 



vm 

shape. Yet, perhaps, after all, this pre- 
face, which resembles all others, and is 
little else than the supplication of a sinner 
for the remission of his errors, might have 

been omitted, and the disinterested lan- 
guage, once used by a very great man, 
though in a much higher venture on the 
ocean of letters, more appositely substi- 
tuted in its place. " Je ne demande point 
de protection pour ce livre: on le lira s'il 
est bon: et s'il est mauvais je ne me soucie 
pas qu'on le lise." Lettres Persanes, 
torn, i. 



A SHORT 



SHORT VIEW 



Of THE 



ADMINISTRATIONS 



IN THE 



GOVERNMENT OF AMERICA, 



THE revolution which terminated in the 
independence of the United States of Ame- 
rica., perhaps effected as great and import- 
ant a change in human events, as any the 
page of history has recorded, or that has 
yet arrested the attention of mankind. 
Since this short period, the rapid increase 
of the population; the wide extension of 
the commerce; and the progressive ad- 
vancement which has characterized many 
of them in their agricultural and domestic 
pursuits, have greatly contributed to oc- 
casion a very general and ardent spirit of 
inquiry into the various causes that have 
promoted or influenced such conspicuous 

b advantages, 



2 

advantages, and forcibly calculated to 
render every degree of information con- 
nected with their several establishments, 
highly interesting to the European world. 

From the commencement of the re- 
cent convulsions which have agitated this 
last quarter, an increased ardour has 
shewn itself for becoming minutely ac- 
quainted with the actual posture of the 
American States; aji interest that will be 
always awakened, and will be felt with 
added energy, should no event arise to in- 
terrupt the prosperity or destroy the har- 
mon}' of the one, whenever it may be the 
fate of the other to be again plunged into 
similar disasters. 

Extensive, however, as this desire may 
be, I believe it may be pronounced at 
the same instant, that none hitherto has 
been less substantially gratified : and 
that what has been obtained relative to 
them, remains still of a very imperfect 
and limited nature. They have been but 
partially travelled ; and those persons who 
have visited them, best qualified to point 
out their local and political advantages, 
have, with so few exceptions, given their 

opinions 



opinions to the world under the shackles 
of prejudice, as to destroy very materially 
the end and usefulness of their labour. 
This has polluted many of the otherwise 
best sources of intelligence; and is an evil, 
that has rendered no inconsiderable part 
of what has been derived through chan- 
nels of American communication, not less 
exceptionable. 

To the philosopher, and to the states- 
man, the political institutions of America, 
open a spacious and abundant field for the 
exercise of their research and investigation. 
But to those, whose views may be directed 
towards an establishment in the United 
States, a knowledge of ever/ thing belong- 
ing to them becomes more strongly and more 
immediately desirable. With the design of 
being in some degree useful to the latter 
description of persons, a number that 
within these few years has so greatly aug- 
mented, an idea was suggested, that what 
I have been able to collect on so popular 
a subject, might not be found without 
some share of interest or utility, as the ob- 
ject to which the following attempt solely 
aspires, cannot be deemed slight or un- 
worthy 



4 

worthy of regard when so much of human 
happiness inseparably depends on it. 

The government of the United States of 
America, which has excited so much at- 
tention, and that has been so often pro- 
posed as being worthy the imitation of 
other nations, is advanced by its admirers, 
as a model as closely approaching perfec- 
tion, as in the nature of things so perplexed 
and intricate a machine like that of go- 
vernment is susceptible of attaining. It 
cannot be withheld, that there is some- 
thing greatly to be' admired in the case 
and simplicity with which the movements 
of this rising republic have been hitherto 
conducted : and no small portion of ap- 
plause may without injustice be extended 
towards those, by whose wisdom or whose 
agency, the present elevated situation of 
this country has been attained. 

As yet, any thing materially defective 
has not arisen to impede the progress of 
this great design. But whether a body 
composed of members so weak and so 
vaguely put together, may be found pos- 
sessing sufficient strength to withstand the 
storms and shocks to which all govern- 
ments, 



5 

merits and states are liable to be opposed, 
becomes a question, on which, perhaps, its 
most sanguine eulogists would reluctantly 
pronounce. A want of a due portion of 
energy in the direction of the executive 
functions of the American government, it 
is believed will be discovered to be its most 
defective and vulnerable side. 

Impressed with something of this kind, 
to strengthen and invigorate the federal 
compact, or general government, by render- 
ing it as little dependent on the will or con- 
trol of the separate States asshould be found 
consistent with the principles and views 
contemplated at the first forming of the 
constitution of the United States, was the 
line of conduct followed by the late General 
Washington, and continued by his suc- 
cessor in the administration, the late presi- 
dent, Mr. Adams. By those of different 
political sentiments, this has been deter- 
mined dangerous to liberty, and as threat- 
ening to assume too extensive an influence 
over the respective States. It "has also 
been represented as approaching with rapid 
steps towards an oligarchy, or what to the 
majority in America, would be infinitely 
more obnoxious, a monarchy. In -being 

. anxious 



anxious to escape Scylla, it will be fortu- 
nate for the American States, if they do 
not strike on Charybdis, and find them- 
selves under a worse than either, the most 
inordinate and oppressive of all — a demo- 
cracy ; 

That worst of tyrants, an usurping croud. 

Some indeed, of the fellow citizens of 
the gentleman I have last named, during 
his administration, went so far as to de- 
clare, that he had indulged the idea of 
rearing himself to an actual throne. Rather 
attributing this to the fertility of invention, 
or to the subserviency of political design, 
than believing in any such improbable and 
extravagant intention in Mr. Adams, we 
may yet trace from the industrious propa- 
gation of this and of opinions equally ab- 
surd, some of the footsteps that have led 
to an entire change of men and measures 
in this country. 

And without attempting to determine 
what particular description or form of go- 
vernment is best calculated to rule over and 
to direct a great and growing mass of peo- 
ple, dispersed over a space of territory, vast 
as that comprehending the United States, 

some 



some time may still be required to discover 
whether the republican form, constituted 
on principles as pure and undisguised as 
those of America, and inclining so much 
towards the popular ox democratic cast, will 
prove such as shall be productive of so de- 
sirable an end. 

If the people of America do not descend 
into an absolute and corrupt state of this, 
it will be happy for them; but whoever is 
in any degree acquainted with the general 
disposition which appears to govern them, 
will in all likelihood consider that they 
have more to apprehend from a state of 
extreme equality , than they have to dread 
from any sudden or inordinate share of 
power being exerted over them by their 
magistrates or their laws*. 

Were men in most instances fitted for 
government little of force or intricacy 

would 

* On most occasions, important or unimportant, 
relative to any public business in the United States, con- 
ventions of the people are summoned. At such meetings, 
in many instances have been assumed, what may be al- 
most termed extra-legislative, and extra-judicial func- 
tions ; recommending or reproving more in terms of a dic- 
tatorial 



8 

would be required in any species of it to 
control or to regulate their actions. This, 
however, is now acknowledged to be Uto- 
pian; and with the views and passions 
which influence and distract the greater 
part of our fellow beings of this age, some- 
thing stronger than the most persuasive 
reasoning, more coercive than the most 
florid argument, is too often needed to 
remind them of the relationship they beat- 
to society, and of the obligation they are 
under to law and constituted authority. 
That state is happiest which is farthest re- 
moved from extremes; and when I present 
myself an advocate for law and social 
order, I trust to escape being considered an 
enemy to freedom. I am well assured. I 
shall at least, by all who are sensible of the 

tatorial spirit than what can be considered as being en- 
tirely consonant to such situations. This has been pointed 
ouj: amongst the evils of a republic ; and it may be 
thought that the freedom of that of America has some- 
thing to dread from it. It is in the investigation, how- 
ever, of every thing that is transacting, and the uncon- 
trollable licence with which opinion is passed respecting 
it, that the citizen of these States considers as the being 
and essence of his rights — the Magna Chart a of his 
liberties. 

inti- 



9 

intimate and inseparable connection that 
must subsist between them. 

To preserve a government organized like 
that of America entire, and to ensure it any 
thing like long continuance, must certainly 
very closely depend on the perfect state of 
equanimity that may collectively prevail 
throughout the several members which 
compose it. On this, and on this alone, 
the existence or dissolution of these present 
Independent States will be found alto- 
gether to rely. If ever the above should 
be forgotten, or be departed from, then 
will the moment arrive when the safety of 
the w r hole fabric will be endangered, and 
this admired edifice totter to its base. 
Whenever separate and opposite interests 
shall arise, and those shall come to be as- 
serted and upheld by the uncontrollable 
force of unequal popular strength, then 
will the period happen, that will prove 
the vigour or discover the weakness, of 
this boasted excellence. With views so 
dissimilar, and guided as many of the 
American States are individually, hy pur- 
suits so contrary and opposite to the spirit 
of the majority of them, there are num- 
bers who do not hesitate in pronouncing, 

that 



10 

that already something of this nature is 
beginning to develope itself. Indeed, it 
cannot be denied, that an extraordinary 
difference of sentiment prevails, and is 
openly avowed, in one matter, amongst 
others, involving in itself so many nice and 
delicate points, as sufficiently to warrant a 
belief, that unless a forbearance of the 
measures adopted and encouraged in some 
of the States shall take place, the disunion 
of the others may be the consequence. 
This diversity of opinion owes its birth to 
the evil of slavery, which in most of the 
States is entirely prohibited, while in others 
it is fully tolerated. 

In those States of the American Union 
which are denominated the Southern — 
Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, 
and Georgia, slavery prevails ; and on this, 
those residing in them pertinaciously in- 
sist, depends their being or their destruc- 
tion ; while their fellow citizens dwelling 
in the other States, not feeling the same 
necessity, or actuated by other motives, 
have become strenuous and unremitting 
advocates for a general emancipation. — 
The former have for some time viewed this 
with infinite regret, though their indigna- 
tion 



11 

tion is now beginning to be roused at that 
policy which they consider as being level- 
led at their existence.* 

Slavery, it may not be improper to men- 
tion here, as far as it extends to importa- 
tions 

* In alluding to the subject of slavery, which from the 
consequences as I thought connected with it, could not 
be considered foreign to my attempt, I am nevertheless 
anxious that it should be known, that my wishes are very 
far from being engaged in any share to perpetuate the 
bondage, or to add to the miseries of a singularly op- 
pressed and unfortunate race of people. A situation in 
every shape, so truly pitiable in itself as to have brought 
on human nature no small or unmerited degree of re- 
proach. With every one I revere the generous and feel- 
ing spirit that has actuated those who have so ardently 
interfered in behalf of the enslaved Africans. — They 
have done much, and not unsuccessfully ; and while 
eager to express the high degree of admiration such vir- 
tues are entitled to claim, it cannot but be lamented that 
from some must be withheld, what, otherwise, it might 
be wished could be bestowed in common — who hurried 
away by too much earnestness in the cause, or too much 
enamoured with the end to regard the means, however 
violent or terrible, would inflict deeper wounds in the 
midst of an honest intention to close and heal the old. 

It will unquestionably appear strange when we are ac- 
quainted, that amongst those in the United States who 
now so loudly deplore the sufferings of the negroes, and 
who are at present the most zealous for an amelioration 
of their state, will be found the chief part of the actual 
persons, to whom, in a primary degree, they are beholden 

for 



M 

tions from Africa, is prohibited generally 
in the United States after the year 1808, 
by an act of Congress. 

It must be observed also, that in addi- 
tion to the act of Congress, which forbids 
the importation of slaves after 1808, the 
several States interested in such measure, 
had likewise previously passed acts in their 
distinct legislative capacities, prohibiting 
under severe penalties any importations of 
the same kind. 

Of those States who have discovered a 
spirit of dissatisfaction towards the general 

for their distress. As long as the traffic subsisted between 
America and the Coast of Guinea, the merchants who 
furnished the planters with slaves., were almost exclu- 
sively those of the northern parts of i% now compre- 
hending what are called the Northern and Eastern 
States. The vessels emplo} r ed in this trade were entirely 
owned by them, and fitted out from their ports. That 
it was a source of wealth to most engaged in it, will 
scarcely be disputed, when it is known that the greater 
part of those persons, are retired from business, and are 
living, in all probability, on the profits that have arisen 
from it. 

And this hatred, now so vehemently displayed towards 
negro slavery in one quarter of the United States,, has 
conspicuously increased, and the societies that have 
formed themselves for a total abolition of it, have asto- 
nishingly multiplied, since the non- importation laws I 
have spoken of were enacted. 

govern- 



13 

government of the whole, Virginia once 
stood prominently forward ; and her opi- 
nions could not he viewed, but with im- 
portant regard from the rank which her 
extensive territory and numerous popula- 
tion entitled her to assume. The Legisla- 
ture of this State, on the 21st of Septem- 
ber, 179S, ordered certain resolutions cen- 
suring some measures adopted by the exe- 
cutive power of the Federal Government, 
asinnovations on the Constitution, to be 
transmitted for the concurrence of the se- 
veral States. On these resolutions, in the 
session of 1799? Virginia received the 
proceedings of some of the States which 
indicated no desire of co-operation ; and 
that proved generally opposite to the 
views contemplated. This measure, em- 
bracing a variety of topics, was considered 
in the Legislature of Virginia, and not 
improperly, as a species of war declared 
against the Government ; and the trans- 
mission of the resolutions in the way that 
was adopted, not ill calculated to effect a 
general combination for to support the 
hostilty that had been thus comnimenced. 
And when it is known, that this State 
alone, sends twenty- one members to the 

. . General 



14 

General Congress, the imputation laid 
to it of an attempt to promote a sys- 
tem of disorganization in the Federal 
Compact will hardly be removed. The 
leading pretext urged for the necessity of 
the above resolutions, was the unconstitu- 
tionality, as it was declared, of the passing 
in America of the Alien and Sedition Acts. 
The new States, Vermont, Kentucky, and 
Tennassee, inclined strongly to support the 
measures of their sister State. It is now 
believed that the Virginians will become 
more reconciled to the government, since 
the election of the President has proved 
in favour of Mr. Jefferson, to whom they 
look up with no ordinary degree of pride 
and expectation ; and whose political opi- 
nions are known to be entirely coincident 
with those of the citizens of his native 
State, Virginia. 

This it may be said is a solitary, though 
it cannot be called a slight example, and 
such as it may prove fortunate for the 
countiy, should the imitation of it not be- 
come more frequent or more general. Ad- 
mitting that the separate State Legislatures 
possess an authority to judge of, or to con- 
trol the acts of the general Legislatures, 

wher e 



15 

where will an opportunity remain for uni- 
formity of decision? If this were to be the 
case, endless diversities of opinion must 
prevail ; the passions of the people must 
be continually embarked and distracted ; 
and little foresight requisite to declare, 
that the Union must suddenly be dissolv- 
ed. If each State Legislature possesses 
this extraordinary power, it at once takes 
away the power voluntarily conferred by 
the people collectively on their agents, 
their representatives in Congress ; for the 
people certainly never vested in each sepa- 
rate branch any thing like what in this in- 
stance was attempted to be assumed. There 
are numbers in America, who believe that 
the country would not suffer the least en- 
croachment on its liberties, if these State 
Legislatures were removed altogether. 

The Federal Government, or first general 
compact of the American States, under 
one supreme ruling power, was suggested 
ip the year 1?87. In the month of Sep- 
tember of the same year, the Constitution 
was agreed to by the convention. This con- 
vention consisted of persons deputed to re- 
present the several States. It was not be- 
fore the summer of 1789, that the ratifi- 
cation 



16 

cation of nine States could be obtained, 
and the President elected. Therefore it 
may be said, that the Federal system did 
not actually commence until this time, or 
early in the year 1790. 

I shall now endeavour to furnish a sum- 
mary view of the principal features which 
render this administration remarkable. At 
the time of its commencement, which is 
Hist above shewn, the shipping of the 
United States did not exceed four hundred 
and fifty thousand tons. In the beginning 
of 1800, it amounted to nine hundred and 
Hi irty-nin e thou sari d. 

In 1790 the exportation of foreign ar- 
ticles brought into the United States for 
re-exportation, did not amount to two mil- 
lions of dollars* — In 1800 it exceeded thirty- 
nine millions. — In 1790 the exports of do^ 
mestic produce, the growth of these States, 
scarcely amounted to fourteen millions of 
dollars. — -In 1800 the exports of this kind 
amounted to more than thirty-one millions. 

The Federal administration in the year 
1790 had transmitted to it from what was 

# Whenever the dollar, the current specie of Ame* 
riea, is spoken of, it must be considered as representing 

4s. 3d. sterling. 

denomi- 



17 

denominated the old confederation, a debt 
of seventy-six millions of dollars, without 
revenue to discharge either principal or in- 
terest ; this debt it must be observed, was 
incurred by the revolution, and large as it 
will appear, and almost beyond the ability 
of so infant a nation to provide for, had 
still been done — the interest was regularly 
paid ; a considerable part of the princi- 
pal discharged ; and solid and permanent 
establishments formed, by which the in- 
terest would have been provided for, and 
the principal gradually extinguished, had 
no event have happened to disappoint the 
government in the end it contemplated. 

Added to the above, the Federal admi- 
nistration became under the necessity of sa- 
tisfying a debt incurred previous to the year 
1800, for incidental claims arisingunder the 
old government; for what was due to foreign 
officers who had rendered their services to 
America, for certain parts of the unfunded 
debt, for pensions to invalid soldiers, for 
the erection and support of light-houses, 
for the fortification of ports and harbours, 
for making and preserving peace with the 
Indian tribes, for suppressing two insur- 
c rections 



18 

rections in the State of Pennsylvania, for 
redeeming American citizens from capti- 
vity in Algiers, and for making and pre- 
serving peace with this and the other Bar- 
bary powers, for establishing boundary 
lines between the United States, Spain, 
and Great Britain ; and for carrying into 
effect treaties with the above nations, and 
for a general census taken of the inhabit- 
ants, amounting in the whole to the sum 
of Jive millions nine hundred and thirty-nine 
thousand dollars. 

For the support of the civil government 
in its various branches and departments, 
from the time of its establishment, until 
the beginning of 1800, was required, Jive 
millions two hundred and sixty-Jive thousand 
dollars. The war with the Indians ; the 
military establishment ; the purchase of 
arms and stores ; and the additional pre- 
parations that were made by the United 
States to resist the attempts of the French 
Republic, cost together, thirteen millions 
eighty-three thousand dollars. Negociating 
with foreign nations, including the mis- 
sions to France, the extraordinary mission 
to Great Britain, and for the maintenance 

of 



19 " 

of ministers abroad, cost America seven 
hundred and fifty-nine thousand dollars. 

If these demands appear great, as they 
certainly must, it will as evidently appear, 
that most of them are of a nature that no 
nation carrying on any thing like the inter- 
course of the United States could possibly 
avoid. And it may be added, if the Fe- 
deral administration did incur the most 
considerable part of the above expence, 
it also at the same time, resorted to the 
most easy and judicious mode of provid- 
ing for it, from the revenue growing out 
of the commerce of the country. 

This administration has been stated as 
having begun its operations at the conclu- 
sion of the year 1789? or the beginning of 
1790. It terminated on the 4th of March, 
1801, a space of something more than 
eleven years. 

The state of the revenue of the United 
States during this period, will perhaps af- 
ford the most satisfactory and conclusive 
proof of the increasing prosperity that has 
awaited them. The impost and tonnage 
duties, which comprehend the leading 
part of this, were laid on in the year 1789* 

They 



20 

They were not advanced to any thing like 
their present rate until 1794. In 1794 
some augmentations were made that pro- 
duced considerable effect on the receipts 
of the American treasury; and in 1799 
farther aids to the amount of about nine 
hundred thousand dollars were received. 
Taking the amount of these duties in 1795, 
when the first augmentation had existed 
long enough to produce their full effect, 
and comparing it with their product in 
1800, when the force of the last augmenta- 
tion had not been felt, it shews that they 
have increased from Jive millions jive hun- 
dred and eighty -eight thousand dollars, their 
amount in 1795, to eight millions eight hun- 
dred and forty-seven thousand, which they 
3'ielded in 1800. Making full allowance for 
the increase of duty that took place in 1797, 
this discovers an increase of this revenue 
of fifty 'per cent, in five years, which is fen 
per cent, annual advance on the total 
amount of each year's product. 

During the year 1799 5 this revenue suf- 
fered a considerable diminution from the 
depredations committed on the commerce 
of the American States, being more par- 
ticularly 



21 

ticularly felt in that year ; and before the 
beneficial consequences resulting from the 
establishment of the navy had transpired. 
It therefore sunk from seven millions four 
hundred thousand dollars, the amount of 
what it produced in 1798, down to six mil- 
lions four hundred and thirty thousand. 

In 1800, when defensive measures were 
vigorously carrying on, the revenue again 
rose to eight millions eight hundred thousand 
dollars. 

The revenue of America, the progress 
of which has been thus far detailed, has 
not been alone confined to the impost and 
tonnage duties : it has likewise extended 
to a duty arising from stamps jj* distilling ; 
postage of letters ; &c. &c. &c. 

The growing commercial consequence 
of the United States is very forcibly de- 
monstrated by the increase of revenue de- 
rived from postage. In 1797 it amounted 

* It is remarkable in the enumeration, that a duty from 
stamps should so early have presented itself in the 
United States, for it must be recollected, that an attempt 
to enforce au act of this kind by the mother country, 
first conduced to the alienation and final dismember- 
ment of the American Colonies. 

to 



22 

to about forty-six thousand dollars ; in 1798 
to fifty -seven thousand; in 1799 to thirty-six 
thousand;* and in 1800 to eighty thousand! 
Previous to the year 1797 ? it is supposed 
the post-office did not produce, or ever 
exceed, fifty-three thousand dollars. 

-The entire revenue of 1801, the year in 
which the Federal system ended, was cal- 
culated would amount to eleven millions 
three hundred thousand dollars. But should 
it have increased during that year as it 
had done during the preceding years, 
would have added another million to the 
above; making in the whole, somewhat 
more than twelve millions. To this, may be 
still farther added, a surplusage remaining 
from the year before, of two millions of 
dollars; which gives a total sum of at least 
fourteen millions. 

The various expences incidental to the 
civil department of the United States, from 
domestic and foreign establishments ; the 
expence arising from the support of the 
army, navy, &c. &c. ; with the interest 
growing out of the funded debt, amounted 

# The depressed state of commerce in America during 
the above year, has been accounted for. 

in 



23 

in 1801 to eleven millions three hundred and 
fifty-nine thousand dollars. This sum, de- 
ducted from the amount of the revenue 
for the same year* leaves a balance of two 
millions sioc hundred and forty-one thousand 
dollars. 

Exclusive of the interest on its debt, 
the total expence of the American govern- 
ment in all its relations, was estimated to 
require for the year last mentioned, five 
millions five hundred and twenty thousand 
six hundred and ninety-five dollars. It was 
expected, however, that this would prove 
considerably more than would be required, 
some reductions being to take place, that 
it became no longer necessary for the 
United States to support. 

Upon the whole, from the foregoing 
statements, it will be strikingly evident, 
that the government of America, under its 
former rulers, was one of the few fortunate 
of the earth, whose means were equal, 
whatever they may be found hereafter, to 
have met and defrayed its immediate exi- 
gencies; and with perhaps, not the slightest 
or most unsubstantial assurances of their 
being found commensurate to tlie future,- 

if 



24< 

if the change that has since taken place 
had not happened. 

The extraordinary and energetic pre- 
parations made by the United States for 
defending themselves against the execu- 
tion of the threats offered by the French 
Republic, forced the government to em- 
ploy a surplus of revenue, that if it had 
not been demanded in this way, would 
have gone towards the extinguishment of 
the public debt. These efforts were so ex- 
tensive as to occasion a new debt to be 
contracted of six millions and an half of 
dollars. No one can consider this debt to 
have been imprudently, or extravagantly 
entered into, when it was to purchase the 
safety of the country, and to preserve its 
boasted independence. With this sum, a 
navy was reared of thirty-nine vessels of dif- 
ferent sizes and force, mounting near nine 
liundred guns, and manned with more than 
seven thousand seamen and marines ; con- 
siderable progress made in the forming of 
naval yards, docks, &c. &c. and large 
quantities of stores, arms, and ammuni- 
tion purchased, allowing of appropriations 
also for the building of six seventy-four gun 

ships. 



25 

ships.* We must here pause, to afford us 
an opportunity of admiring the means, of 
whatever description they may have bpen, 
that could so suddenly advance a country 
from a state of weakness and almost infant 
imbecility, to so respectable a posture of 
strength and vigorous defence. 

A slight allusion has been made to some 
of the probable causes which helped to 
accelerate the dissolution of the Federal 
system. Amongst those, one of the most 
prominent, and that proved of excellent 
use in promoting the views of the adverse 
party, was that affixing to the adminis- 
tration of Mr. Adams, an extravagant pre-*- 
dfclection for Great Britain, and a no less 
extravagant degree of antipathy towards 
the Republic of France. This was eagerly 
seized on and industriously propagated 
throughout the United States ; nor were 

* For the above statements, and for those connected 
with the revenue, I am indebted to various public com- 
munications; bat I cannot omit particularly acknowledg- 
ing, the almost literal aid I have received in some of the 
foregoing matters, to have been derived from the printed 
letter of Mr. R. G. Harper, late a member of Congress, 
addressed to his constituents, and dated Washington, 
March 5, 1801. 

the 



26 

the high charges of bribery and corruption 
omitted to be included in the accusation. 
With the one party, the conspicuous be- 
nefits that had resulted, and which pro- 
mised to result, to America, from the 
continuance of a perfect understanding 
with Great Britain, might have pointed 
out the not entirely useless consequences 
flowing. from some share of regard being 
extended towards it. Beyond an interested 
motive of this kind, now the ends of party 
have been attained, I believe none will 
attempt to carry the crimination. To the 
other party however, this was either not 
known, or not admitted, for in the enthu- 
siastic fulness of their ardour towards 
France, every other sentiment or conside- 
ration seemed to be forgotten : — indeed 
with some, it went so far as to occasion 
them to forget their own country. What 
return this soon after experienced from 
France is sufficiently known. 

The raising an army, and the establish- 
ment of a naval force, were measures that 
did not escape the severe animadversion 
of the Anti-federal party both in and out 
of Congress; and afforded opportunities 

for 



m 

for a considerable share of popular cla- 
mour. The one was declared, as likely to 
be turned into an engine of despotism and 
oppression against the States, as into one 
for their safety and defence. The other 
was pronounced useless, without it was in- 
tended that the United States should be 
embroiled in the wars and commotions of 
Europe. The enormous expence it would 
require for the support of such extensive 
establishments, and the impending pros- 
pect of heavy taxation to obtain funds for 
the purpose, at once decided the public 
mind on their inexpediency. — Popular opi- 
nion in America governs every thing, there- 
fore in no instance can it be put aside or 
disregarded. 

A standing army in a country situated 
like America, where each of its citizens 
capable of bearing arms is declared a 
soldier; and where every soldier is taught 
to understand, that it is not for conquest or 
dominion he takes up arms, but for the 
more meritorious and just causes of na- 
tional defence and self preservation; to 
protect from harm and violation that with 
which his own happiness and interests are 

so 



28 

so Intimately combined, may not at the 
first, view appear as being so absolutely 
needful; and if the remembrance of some 
striking facts were not before us, that ex- 
isted during the American revolution, we 
might without hesitation concur with the 
enemies of a standing army in its condem- 
nation. It is known, and will be acknow- 
ledged by all who served during the pe- 
riod just mentioned, that it was not until 
near the close of the unhappy contest, 
that the militia of the States displayed 
any thing like the discipline, spirit, or 
firmness inseparable from a good and well- 
appointed soldiery. I shall forbear going 
into what would be distant to my purpose, 
and that at this time could not be found to 
possess any interest — any part of the de- 
tail incident to the war to illustrate what I 
have advanced. — And should I be asked, as 
it has often been demanded before, how a 
rabble so composed and organized became 
in the end successful ; I am not vain enough 
to believe any answer I could furnish would 
prove more satisfactory than those that 
have been already given on the subject. 
Or, perhaps, were I competent to produce 

a more 



29 

a more complete one, I should reluctantly 
remove a veil which might discover situa- 
tions that society could not now profit 
from ; and that posterity will never have 
cause to lament, should they ever remain 
dark and obscured. 

At the time the late army of the United 
States was raised, the situation of the coun- 
try was far from being one that promised 
any thing like long tranquillity. The agi- 
tating scenes which were so continually 
changing on the great theatre of the rest 
of the world, could hardly afford an as- 
surance to America that she was not des- 
tined to fill some part in the afflicting 
drama. France, from the conduct "she 
displayed towards the American ministers, 
gave but slight grounds for presuming 
that her forbearance was Ions: to continue: 
or that her intentions were, than they 
were afterwards more openly discovered 
to be, less than hostile. It is not unlikely, 
that the United States are under higher 
obligation to the great breadth of ocean 
that separates them from the former coun- 
try, than to any other event for the tran- 
quillity they have enjoyed. 

By 



30 

By ordering the small number of regi- 
ments to be raised, the late President did, 
without going farther, it might have been 
considered, that it would give to the mili- 
tary system as it existed by the laws of the 
United -States, an higher degree of tone 
and vigour; and that by disposing of these 
regiments through the several States, ha- 
bits of duty and a knowlege of discipline 
might extend to the militia force, which 
otherwise, it could meet few or no oppor- 
tunities of acquiring*. 

The naval armament met with less op- 
position, though it did not want vast num- 
bers who declared themselves violently 
against it. Excepting the sea-ports and 
mercantile towns, where the utility of this 
measure was more directly felt, this senti- 
ment might be considered as being gene- 
ral. But when the acrimony of party spi- 

# Of the state or appointment of the militia of the 
Northern States, I am not qualified to pass an opinion ; 
but of those of the Southern, from personal acquaintance 
with the subject I am enabled speak, and cannot but 
pronounce their condition to be wretched — incapacity 
and inattention being too generally characteristics of the 
officers; insubordination and contempt of duty that of 
the men. 

lit 



31 

rit shall have subsided, Mr. Adams will, in 
all likelihood, have ample justice done 
him by his country for so judicious an act 
of his administration. He, at least, has the 
gratification of knowing, that the salutary 
effects of the American navy were as soon 
discovered as it became afloat: and by its 
putting an entire stop to the depredations 
committed against the commerce of the 
United States, an extraordinary increase of 
public benefit instantly accrued, and indi- 
vidual security became again as speedily 
restored. I cannot forbear remarking, 
that I am much inclined to believe, that 
this part of the late President's conduct, 
whatever odium it may have had affixed to 
it, by those who thought proper to differ 
in opinion with him, had nevertheless, a 
strong and influential bias in bringing 
about the treaty that has been recently ra- 
tified between America and the French re- 
public. 

The smallness of compensation annexed 
to the duties of office in the United States, 
is a circumstance that has occasioned 
much complaint; and though regarded by 
numbers as an extensive good, may at 

times 



32 

limes prove experimentally an evil, and an 

impediment to the well-conducting of their 
public affairs ; — there is surely a medium 
between unnecessary profusion and ill- 
timed parsimony. In the State (econo- 
mics of the American government, the lat- 
ter appears only to be understood. 

The late administration feeling the op- 
pressiveness connected with appointments 
which if accepted, though these were as 
frequently declined, that would betray in- 
dividuals into heavy expence, and perhaps, 
take them from their homes, families, and 
occupations, had made this a particular 
object of its consideration. It had made 
the discovery, though not by any means a 
new one, that for to obtain men of talents 
and character to fill posts of honour and 
responsibility, some remuneration must be 
given ; more especially in a country, where 
there are but few persons of independent 
wealth; and where most persons possess- 
ing qualities fitting for such situations, 
are industriously engaged in professional, 
agricultural, or commercial occupations. 
The endeavours of the Federal party in this 
behalf met with slender success. The cry 

of 



35 

of expence was instantly raised against 
them by their opponents; and generally 
proved an objection sufficiently weighty to 
restrain the end they contemplated. One 
of the most distinguished members of Con- 
gress, has well observed on this subject **. 
That this was a futile objection; and that 
to compensate liberally, and even hand- 
somely, all the principal officers, would re- 
quire an additional expence of perhaps 
thirty thousand dollars annually; which is 
less than a man without talents, in one of 
those offices, may waste or lose through 
mismanagement in a month. 

As a preliminary part of my attempt, 
it might perhaps have been expected, that 
I should have pointed out what the prin- 
cipal features are of that government of 
which I have presumed to speak. I alone 
forbore from doing this from a conviction, 
that most of those into whose hands these 
pages may fall, are at least fully ac- 
quainted with all that is requisite to be 
known on the subject: and as it has been 
one which has long engaged a very general 

* Harper, to whom I have before acknowledged my 
obligations. 

d share 



34 

share of interest, it must no less have been 
discovered, that the laws, institutions, cus- 
toms, and manners of the States of Ame- 
rica, bear in every fundamental and essen- 
tial particular, the most forcible and evi- 
dent resemblance to those of the country 
from whence they have been almost ex- 
clusively drawn. And, if the application 
would longer hold, re might, perhaps,, at 
once say, that each distinguishing mark of 
the offspring, still bears in every part, the 
characteristic lineaments of the parent. 
Whilst in many other particulars the dissi- 
milarity is no less forcibly apparent : in- 
deed, with many at this period, that any 
thing in America should bear the remotest 
likeness to Avhat prevails in great Britain of 
the same description, is by no means ad- 
mired or thought a recommendatory qua- 
lity. The present administration of justice, 
is therefore, amongst other things, objected 
to for retaining too much of the intricacy 
peculiar to the code of England from 
whence that of America has been derived. 
It has been loudly contended, that the na- 
ture of the government, and the simplicity 
of the tenure by which all property in the 

United 



35 

United States is held, do not demand so 
perplexed and multifarious a barrier for 
their defence. 

The criminal code in some of the States, 
particularly in that of Pennsylvania, is 
far less sanguinary than most known in 
other countries. Crimes, even of the 
highest turpitude, having in this State, 
the punishment of death seldom assigned 
to them: and in this instance, humanity 
has certainly to exult, that in sparing the 
effusion of blood, the catalogue of of- 
fence has not been increased, but per- 
haps by resorting to means less afflicting 
to human nature, though not less exem- 
plary, the peace and security of society has 
been rather enlarged than diminished. 

A new and uniform system of jurispru- 
dence more consonant to the spirit of the 
government, and better calculated to meet 
every purpose than that which at present 
is resorted to, has been contemplated, and 
may yet be instituted. A bankrupt law 
has been recently adopted, the want of 
which became a subject of very general 
complaint, and a great impediment in the 
way of commerce. The law for the relief 
of persons imprisoned for debt, in several 

of 



36 

of the States, deserves particular com- 
mendation. Any persons so confined, on 
giving up the whole of what they possess, 
by an inventory accompanied with an affi- 
davit, made in open court as to the truth 
of the contents of their schedule, are at 
once liberated, and for ever discharged 
from those particular debts on which they 
may have been arrested. They are, how- 
ever, not cleared from any debt which may 
be owing to such persons as have not pro- 
ceeded at law against them. The justness 
of the pretensions to relief from the Act of 
Insolvency is openly weighed in the court, 
under the process of which the parties have 
been confined ; liable at the same time, 
as in cases of ordinary trial, to meet the 
opposition of their creditors, if any thing 
like fraud or injustice be attempted. 

Montesquieu has observed, that large re- 
publics are ruined hy internal imperfec- 
tions ; yet he seems to insinuate, that the 
very excellence of government prevails 
in what he terms a confederate republic— 
a form greatly resembling that of the 
Union of the American States. It is 
perhaps the misfortune of such confede- 
racies, never to be so firmly or perfectly 

united 



37 

united as when external violence or injury 
is offered towards them. The reliance 
that each member then places on the other, 
bespeaks a mutual confidence, that too 
frequently ceases to exist when the threat- 
ening dangers which gave birth to it cease 
longer to be known. We have seen that 
republics can alone continue, where as in 
America, they are composed of separate 
members, but by a lasting and indissoluble 
cement of the whole. The history of all, 
from those of Greece and of Rome, to the 
republics of the present day, has shewn, 
that their misfortunes, and declension have 
rather proceeded from some in ternal de- 
fects than from any external causes what- 
ever. The politic Greeks, who lived un- 
der a popular government, knew no other 
support but virtue. The modern inha- 
bitants of that country are entirely taken 
up with manufactures, commerce, finances, 
riches, and luxury. But whether the peo- 
ple of the United States of America, re- 
semble the politic or the modern Greeks, 
it would not become me to determine. 

With the commencement of the revo- 
lution of America the germs of division 

and 



38 

and party were implanted; and those 
baneful shoots have progressively extended 
their branches ever since: and whatever 
may have been received in Europe respect- 
ing the nature or existence of this in the 
American States, those well acquainted 
with them, can have little hesitation in de- 
claring the same to be both intolerant and 
excessive. It is, however, remarkable, that 
from amongst those who were chiefly con- 
spicuous for their deliberation and mild- 
ness at the epoch I have alluded to, should 
have been found many of the most ener- 
getic for adopting measures latterly, to en- 
sure their country tranquillity at home, 
and respect from abroad. 

So much has been said and written on 
the purity of the elective franchise of the 
United States, of the unbiassed freedom 
which characterises their elections, that it 
may be considered, any thing will not be 
readily received, which is calculated to af- 
fix venality or corruption on the candi- 
dates for office, or on those who hold the 
privilege of electing to them. A near 
view of this subject has too obviously de- 
monstrated, that an higher share of merit 

has 



39 

has been bestowed on this most important 
point than is justly belonging to it. The 
same arts, the same cunning, and the same 
low intrigue, that too frequently pollute 
and disgrace the sources of election in other 
countries, if not so openly carried on, or to 
equal extent in the American States, are 
far from being unknown to them. 

Nor can any known governments be 
better fitted, or be found more perfectly 
adapted to promote the views of ambitious 
or designing men, than those of popular 
description. The voice of the people once 
obtained, in what manner may be consi- 
dered immaterial, when their pretensions 
become immediately commensurate with 
the strength of it. This is the prepatory 
step and first aim of every one desirous of 
elevation in America. He enlists the 
majority to support his banner, and he 
advances onwards conscious, at least for 
a time, of being awaited by success. If 
this popular voice, it may at the same 
time be observed, were not as variable 
as experience has ever discovered it to 
be, how many evils and oppressions might 
not society be doomed to undergo from 

the 



40 

the vast opportunity it would furnish for 
the machinations of the wicked? 

It is rather unfortunate, however, that 
the period of it is as frequently limited 
with the virtuous. Even the late Wash- 
ington, ' the acknowledged friend and 
saviour of his country, and who at one time 
lived in the hearts of all ; and against whom 
it would have been profane to have uttered 
any thing but respectful esteem and vene- 
ration, experienced, long before he sought 
retirement, the expiring gratitude of many 
of his fellow citizens. 

The system so begun and so far pur- 
sued as alluded to in the preceding pages, 
has now given place to another, of which 
we can scarcely be allowed to speak with 
confident boldness until we shall become 
better acquainted with the exact conduct 
it means to adopt. From the principles 
and views of the party who espouse it, 
it may not be deemed presumptuous to 
conclude that it will be widely opposite : 
and from the declared hostility that has 
already shewn itself to most of the mea- 
sures entered upon by the Federal party, 
there is but small assurance of the present 

administration 



41 

administration following, even distantly, 
any part of what has gone before it as the 
labour of its predecessors. Every vestige 
of this promises to be removed ; and the 
genius of pure, uncontaminated repub- 
licanism, is to rise from the threatened 
liberties of this lately devoted land. 

Should it nevertheless, be attended by 
an increase of public prosperity, or should 
no diminution of what the United States 
have so beneficially experienced under 
their former rulers be the consequence, 
they will not have to mourn that " the sun 
pf Federalism has set for ever!" an exclama- 
tion of triumph which escaped from some 
on this great change. It cannot be called 
other than a great change, when the im- 
portant and momentous nature of it to the 
country generally is contemplated. 

I shall finish this part of my subject with 
a short remark on one of the last acts that 
took place during the administration of 
Mr. Adams ; one, while it afforded an ad- 
ditional scope for the industry of his ene- 
mies, was somewhat difficult of explana- 
tion from his friends. This was, his send- 
ing a second mission to France after the 

solemn 



42 

solemn declaration he had made, never to 
do so until assurances should be first re- 
ceived that the embassy would be treated 
with dignity and respect. It certainly 
rendered his vigorous preparations for de- 
fence inconsistent, if at all events he was 
determined to supplicate for peace. 

Forbearing to enter on a matter that 
would be found distant to my subject, and 
that is so generally known in Europe, the 
conduct of the Republic of France towards 
the first minister, then towards the envoys 
appointed on the part of America, I shall 
but observe, that the indignation of every 
honest mind was raised at the unprecedent- 
ed usage these missions experienced. Little 
penetration or political skill was requisite 
to discover the contemptible arts that were 
resorted to for to compel the United States 
to embrace terms, which, had they been 
assented to, would have rendered them de- 
graded in the opinion of the world to the 
end of their existence. In this, as in a va- 
riety of other instances, it was the misfor- 
tune of America in principle not to be 
united. Neither can it be denied, that 
however disgraceful the terms prescribed 
by the Directory may have been, there 

were 



43 

were still to be found Americans more 
disgraceful, who, without hesitation, would 
have subscribed to their own infamy, by 
assenting to the humiliation of their 
country. I have already shewn the con- 
duct used on this occasion by the Federal 
administration, I need not again dwell on 
the result of it. 

What may now be called the popular 
side of the goverment of the United States, 
is composed entirely of those who are the 
declared opponents of the Federal system. 
Every new election that has taken place 
since the change happened in the govern- 
ment has denoted the predominating in- 
fluence of the principles of this party ; 
and the struggles of Federalism, without 
it be in the cities or large towns of the 
United States, can be but weak and inef- 
fectual, for throughout the country ge- 
rally, or nearly so, the contrary opinion 
alone guides the mass of their citizens. 

Thomas Jefferson 9 the leader of the Anti- 
Federal party, who now fills the high 
arid important station of President of the 
United States of America, is a person so 
well known to all Europe, that I shall 
not attempt to draw a character, which 

has 



has already had such ample justice done 
to it, both here and in the United States, 
by others so much more adequate to 
the subject. I therefore aspire to furnish 
no more than a concise outline of the 
above gentleman. Mr. Jefferson is un- 
questionably a man possessed of very 
considerable genius, and endowed with a 
copious share of powerful intellectual 
ability. — As a scholar, in a country where 
yet but few can assert any extraordinary 
pretensions to scholastic attainments, he 
is enabled to claim a distinguishing pre- 
eminence. — As a writer, the Declaration of 
American Independence , which is ascribed to 
him, discovers him to be master of much 
elegance. — As an historian, or author on 
subjects connected with natural history, the 
Notes on Virginia display considerable inge- 
nuity and research, though perhaps rather 
indicating too fond a disposition for in- 
dulging in the minute theories of Nature, 
than for accuracy in delineating her actual 
operations. — As a politician, Mr. Jefferson 
is considered by many of his fellow citi- 
zens, as being more addicted to speculative 
than to practical plans of government; 
and his views in the science of legislation, 

very 



45 

very generally deemed much too narrow 
and concentrated to advance the interests 
of a great commercial nation, like that 
over which he is called to preside. The 
aversion he has in most instances shewn to 
treaty and negociation, at least leads num- 
bers to believe, that commercial concerns 
hold no conspicuous place in his consider- 
ation ;* and the unbounded and enthusias- 
tic predilection he has on all occasions dis- 
covered towards France, induces an equal 
number to imagine he is little solicitous of 
acquiring the regard of the rest of the 
world. 

On the 4th of March, 1801, Mr. Jeffer- 
son entered on the duties of office. Many 
changes have already taken place, and 
more promise shortly to follow. The mi- 
nisters to foreign nations, who received 
their appointments under the former ad- 

* It is somewhat extraordinary this should not be 
otherwise. The largest and most valuable part of the 
United States depends almost solely on trade for its 
wealth and consequence. The Eastern States, which 
comprise a third of the American Union, are entirely 
situated in this way. A large proportion of their property 
consists in shipping, and the chief part of their citizens 
are merchants and seamen. 

ministration, 



46 

ministration, have some of them been re- 
called : their number is to be reduced ; and 
a plan it is said has been proposed by Mr. 
Maddison, Secretary of State, that suggests 
the division of foreign alliance into three 
departments, which are to comprehend 
Great Britain, France, and Spain : in each 
a minister is to reside, under whom Con- 
suls and inferior agents are to be appointed, 
and to whom their communications are to 
be addressed. 

A general reduction of expenditure is 
also to happen by abolishing a variety of 
offices. The civil establishment is to un- 
dergo an entire alteration in all its depart- 
ments. The military is to be dismissed 
altogether. Most of the vessels of war 
have been called into port ; a few frigates 
only are to be continued in the service, 
and the rest sold. — Thus in the United 
States may be found, and what in this age 
can be found in few other places, economy 
is the order of the day. 

It may yet prove, that the administra- 
tion of Mr. Jefferson will disappoint the 
variety of opinion which at present, con- 
jecture so liberally furnishes respecting it. 

Nor 



47 

Nor can it be consistently believed, that it 
will be so far wide as many have determined 
it will be found, of the enlarged practical 
systems of national polity, so wisely com- 
menced, and so well understood by his 
predecessors, Washington and Adams; 
and which, while they add to the patriotic 
virtues of the first, contribute no less to- 
wards the distinguished reputation of the 
last America has gained a name under 
the former ; it must not be supposed, that 
she is to relinquish it, or to feel its value 
diminished under the guidance of the 
latter. 

The election of the President of the 
United States is quadrennial, possessing 
the qualification of re-eligibility. A period 
much too lengthy in a bad or impotent ad- 
ministration ; but that will ever be found of 
too short duration in a good and efficient 
one. Excepting what happened in the in- 
stance of the late General Washington, 
the growing state of party in America 
hardly seems to promise, that such re-elec- 
tions of its first magistrate will again fre- 
quently occur. 

And, since the people of the United 
States of America, have confessedly made 

one 



48 

one experiment, to borrow their own ex- 
pression, in their government; I shall 
finish on this head with an admonition of 
Lord Bacon, it may serve them on some 
future, as it was far from being inappli- 
cable to them on a late occasion. " It 
is good not to try experiments in states, 
except the necessity be urgent, or the 
utility be evident; and well to beware, 
that it be the reformation that draweth 
on the change, and not the desire of 
change that pretendeth the reformation/'* 
The States of America deriving; so much 
from the revenue growing out of their ex- 
tensive commerce, the burthen of taxa- 
tion on their citizens becomes from the 
above circumstance proportionably light. 
The tax on land, which forms the leading, 
and in several of the States, almost the only 
species of taxation, is inconsiderable in- 
deed when brought into view with this 
burthen as fek in many of the older 
countries. In the States of the south- 
ward, negro slaves, also negroes, and 
people of colour, who enjoy their freedom, 
are objects of taxation ; as are also monied 
capitals, professions, carriages, &c. &c. - 

* Essay XXIV. .. 

A very 



49 

A very considerable addition has lately 
accrued to the funds of the general trea- 
sury from the introduction of the duty 
arising from stamps; and which will with- 
out doubt afford an increasing revenue, as 
the country advances in commercial con- 
sequence. 

Moderate, however, as the taxation of 
America may certainly be deemed, the 
sums assessed, are not in a variety of in- 
stances paid without loud dissatisfaction, 
and the aid of legal proceedings frequently 
found necessary to be resorted to for the 
enforcement of them. In some of the 
Northern States, the pressure of taxation 
occasions much complaint. There is yet 
more of this dissatisfaction displayed in 
the States that have been recently added 
to the American Union — Vermont, Ken- 
tucky, and Tennassee. In the States of 
North Carolina and Georgia, the taxes are 
more moderate than they are in the State 
of South Carolina. The importing of 
slaves from Africa into the last State, hav- 
ing been prohibited by laws of its own 
enacting for several years past, occasions 
many of the large landholders to exclaim 
e against 



50 

against paying a duty for what they are 
deprived receiving any advantage from— 
negroes in their estimation being indis- 
pensably requisite to render their ground 
of any value. This policy has also occa- 
sioned great numbers of persons to remove 
out of South Carolina into Georgia, where 
the importing of slaves, until very latety, 
did not experience such restraints. The 
rapid advancement of the last mentioned 
State, has been altogether attributed to its 
having permitted the Guinea trade to re- 
main so long open. 

From the most accurate information it 
has appeared, that in many of the Ameri- 
can States more acres of land are returned 
to the collectors of taxes than there are 
known to be contained within them : that 
this arises from those lands being so ge- 
nerally in a state of litigation ; and the 
right of possessing them being essentially 
grounded on a definite length of time that 
the parties contending for them have re- 
gularly paid the incidental tax. In most 
of the States all taxable property is re- 
turned to the proper officer on the oath 
of the proprietor ; and taxation in the 

United 



51 

United States may be considered of two 
descriptions ; one of which goes towards 
the support of the general government of 
the States collectively, the other for to de- 
fray their own separate and distinct ex- 
pences. 

The people of the United States thus 
moderately burthened by direct taxation, 
and their government deriving its princi- 
pal aid and support from the revenue 
growing out of the extensive commerce of 
the country, it may not be altogether fo- 
reign to my subject to attempt to point 
out the principal source from which such 
considerable advantage flows. In this 
view, Great Britain stands most promi- 
nently forward. Her manufactures of 
every description present themselves every 
where throughout the United States; pos- 
sessing the twofold quality, of furnishing 
most of their domestic wants, and forming 
in their commercial relations a leading and 
valuable part of their exports. As yet 
they have not been supplanted ; nor have 
they yet met with any thing like compe- 
tition. And the utility and superiority 
that British articles can so decidedly claim 

over 



- 52 

those of the rest of the world, is incon- 
testably proved by the universal prefer- 
ence and reception they meet with. Theo- 
ries may be raised ; innumerable specula- 
tions may be indulged ; but how few of 
either are found able to maintain their po- 
sition when opposed by the strong and ir- 
resistible force of practical conviction ? 

The commercial relationship between 
Great Britain and the United States, is 
of a nature so highly interesting to both, 
that it should never be departed from : 
the attention of the ministers or leaders 
of both should ever be turned towards it. 
No systems of narrow, contracted policy, 
should for a moment be suffered to inter- 
vene, to shackle, impede, or diminish it 
in either ; as every one must be well per- 
suaded, an opposite conduct, that is, one 
founded on a liberal, enlarged, and mu- 
tual basis, cannot be other than produc- 
tive of advantages the most solid and 
lasting. Let this only be well known and 
understood, when who in Britain will have 
reason to deplore the dismemberment of 
this part of the British Empire, if Britain 

partakes of all,, or greater benefits, than 

she 



53 

she cou]d have done if It still had been 
retained in her possession? Who in Ame- 
rica divested of aged resentments, or un- 
deluded by modern prejudices, shall re- 
gret, that though America is thus neces- 
sarily obliged to contribute in some de- 
gree towards the advancement of the for- 
mer nation, if at the same time, and 
from the same causes she is also confer- 
ing largely towards the opulence and 
grandeur of herself. 

The commerce of the American States 
has disappointed most of the predictions 
that have been raised respecting it, and in 
direct contradiction to them all, yet chiefly 
subsists with Great Britain, or perhaps 
nearly altogether through its means.* For 
there are few in America hardy enough to 
deny, that the liberal spirit which so con- 
spicuously denotes the trading part of the 
British community, and the extensive cre- 
dit its wealth enables it to allow, that has 
principally forwarded the United States 
to the rank of commercial consequence 
which they are now enabled to claim. At 

* The solidity and justness of the opinions of Lord 
Sheffield on this subject are now abundantly verified. 

present 



54 

present, the appearance of the other parts 
of Europe does not promise to effect any 
sudden alteration in this respect, and if it 
be to take place, it cannot but happen at 
a remote period. And perhaps it may re- 
quire farther demonstration than what has 
been obtained from the reasoning of Brissot, 
the Due de Liancourt, and some other writers 
on the subject of American commerce, be- 
fore what they have attempted to advance 
will be admitted ; that the only natural and 
really advantageous commercial connection 
must be that of America and France. TVe 
might not be so distant frpm conviction, 
could we be persuaded, that Rouen was 
Manchester, or that Vire was Leeds* 

Previous to the Revolution of France, 
the trade of that country with the United 
States was far from being considerable ; 
since this great change has taken place, it 

# The indefatigable Mr. Arthur Young in his Travel* 
in France, published in 1794, qu. 550, calls Rouen the 
Manchester of France. — At p. 525 of the same work, 
from an extract incorporated into it, we are told, that 
during the American war, the manufactures of cloths at 
Vire had an export to North America; but on the peace, 
the cloths of Leeds presented themselves with a victo- 
rious superiority. It must be remarked that this was 
taken from a work written by a Frenchman. 

has 



55 

has been entirely destroyed. The profit- 
able intercourse that America has enjoyed 
during the war with the French West India 
Islands, must be excepted ; though this 
has likewise been attended with consider- 
able interruption and loss to many indivi- 
duals, from the distracted state into which 
those Islands have been plunged. The re- 
gulations of the Marishal de Castries, which 
admitted Americans into the French West 
Indies, were considered to have greatly 
abridged the navigation of the mother 
country. — This is mentioned only for the 
purpose of bringing to view another cir- 
cumstance. One of the most formidable 
objections to the late treaty between Great 
Britain and the United States arose on 
this very point. The States contended for 
the right of a free trade, or unlimited ton- 
nage to the islands dependent on the for- 
mer country. But if Great Britain were 
to suffer, as the example from France must 
strikingly have suggested in so important 
a branch of her own trade, blame or in- 
consistency surely must not be attached to 
that policy in a matter so closely allied to 
her own interest, and which it became her 

province 



56 



province first to consider.* In the British 
West Indies it is well known, the planters 
and merchants loudly exclaim to be heard 

# The treaty with Great Britain was productive of 
much popular cavil; and much intemperate abuse was 
lavished on those who concluded it. The moment of 
its ratification was unpropitious. France by the 
brilliancy she had acquired from her numerous 
victories, had intoxicated the minds of the mass of the 
people of America ; and in the fervour of their enthu- 
siasm, they viewed any step that might convey the ap- 
pearance of close intimacy and friendship with Great 
Britain, ingratitude and enmity towards the French Re- 
public. By a great many it was therefore execrated as 
an entire evil, rather than being objected to for defici- 
ency in any essential part. The more moderate, then 
considered, that the United States had ceded, and that 
Great Britain had gained too much by the negociation. 
This opinion still prevails very generally in America. 

To widen the original breach, and to revive and keep 
alive a spirit of animosity and rancour between Great 
Britain and the United States, will not appear an un- 
natural desire on the part of the rulers of France. Jea- 
lous that a predilection for the former country existed, 
and apprehensive that it would grow and strengthen as 
the consequences of original differences should wear 
away and be forgotten, we need to feel small surprize 
that such attempts should industriously have been made; 
but that such endeavours should in a great degree have 
proved abortive, will, it may be hoped, never occasion 
either country cause to regret. 

' " on 



57 

on the other side of the question. It is the 
misfortune of all colonies after having been 
supported in infancy, and reared to matu- 
rity, to endure a share of oppression from 
the parent country, and their productions 
considered as as its just monopoly : the only 
reason offered for this is, that such are con- 
sidered the price they owe for protection.* 

# The tonnage of America has astonishingly increased, 
(seepage 9) while that of most other commercial na- 
tions, particularly Great Britain, has diminished. The 
neutrality the former has been able to preserve may be 
assigned as one leading cause of this ; but were the 
United States to obtain that footing in the British West 
India Islands they have shewn themselves desirous of, 
it would at once open a new channel for the disposal of 
the produce of these islands, and greatly abridge, if not 
entirely divert, so material a branch of the trade of the 
mother country. And had Great Britain acceded to the 
wishes of the Americans by allowing them what they 
sought for in this respect, it would instantly have de- 
feated the many wise and salutary regulations, at various 
times passed, strengthening and confirming that im- 
portant act to which she is indebted for her present com- 
mercial and maritime greatness^ the act of 1651. 

The extraordinary privileges the Americans enjoy in 
their intercourse with the East Indies, will also it may 
be presumed, be shortly felt by Great Britain. The 
Company having extended to them indulgencies in trade 
which British subjects do not possess. 

Professing 



58 

Professing as I do only to draw sketches, 
and not to paint a regualr and finished 
picture, I must claim indulgence for the 
irregular touches of my pencil. Mr. Young, 
whom I have before quoted, and whose 
pages will ever be found abundant in pro- 
fitable information, informs us, that when 
he was in France, at Nantes, 1788, he was 
assured the linen fabric of Bretagne, 
amounted to 24 millions (livres) of which 
St. Maloes exported considerable quanti- 
ties. On inquiring if any of those exports 
were to the American States, he was an- 
swered in the negative. In one article, 
and by no means an inconsiderable one, 
this then will furnish some small idea of 
the state of commerce between France and 
America previous to the revolution of the 
former. If it were so inconsiderable then, 
what must it have been since, when the 
manufactures of France have scarcely been 
found sufficient to supply its domestic ne- 
cessities, and commerce of every kind en- 
tirely prostrate. Without presuming to 
prescribe limits to the energies of the 
French republic, the imputation of rash- 
ness may still possibly be escaped, in deter- 
mining that the period will be distant be- 
fore that country shall resume even the 

share 



59 

share of consequence she enjoyed as a 
trading nation previous to the change hap- 
pering in her government, burthened as 
commerce then was,' by restrictions impo- 
litic and unwise. Should even this be 
suddenly attained, it will be much, but 
should it shortly be exceeded, it will greatly 
contradict expectation. Manufactures do 
not rise with the rapidity of volition ; and 
commerce can alone be supported by ex- 
tensive capitals or by an equal share of 
public credit. 

And much as this close alliance has been 
insisted on between the United States and 
the republic of France, for it is no less a 
favoured theme in America, I must openly 
confess, that I have not yet been able to 
discover any satisfactory or conclusive rea^ 
son, why this relationship should be ce- 
mented with France any more than with 
any other country, where the advantages 
resulting from such connection would as 
slightly preponderate to occasion it. 

From manufactures the States of Ame- 
rica are not entitled to assume any notice ; 
indeed they have never been contemplated 
as profitable appendages to any of them; 
and still more discouraging opinions con- 
cerning 



60 

cerning their usefulness or their intro- 
duction, have been expressed by the 
present administration. The northern 
parts of the Union have made some 
attempts in this way, but they are of 
very inconsiderable and feeble descrip- 
tion : and what they are able to ma- 
nufacture, is in every shape so far inferior, 
and yet so much more expensive than 
what can be imported, that it is not likely 
they cans uddenly attain any successful emi- 
nence. The Southern States are entirely 
without manufactures of any kind, 
with the exception of an iron foun- 
dery, the business of which is carried 
on to some extent % Agriculture, with- 
out it be in the cities or sea-ports, is at 
present the leading occupation of the peo- 
ple of the United States; and which will 
hardly give place to any other, while land 

# By those acquainted with the Southern States^ I 
might possibly be charged with inaccuracy, were I to 
omit mentioning a sort of domestic manufacture that is 
made in the back country, or upper parts of them. It is 
of cotton, usually formed into articles of wearing ap- 
parel, considered very light and durable, and has the 
name of homespun; it may be added, that it is exceed- 
ingly dear, 

can 



61 

can be obtained abundant, fertile, and 
cheap : and as long as the labour of culti- 
vation shall continue to be rewarded with 
an extraordinary share of profit to the cul- 
tivator. 

The above, are not perhaps the weakest 
reasons for presuming, that avocations so 
profitably followed, and at this time which 
seem alone fitted to the country, will not 
readily be exchanged for others, in which 
to ensure any thing like success, large ca- 
pitals must necessarily be employed ; and 
where even the ultimate prospect of suc- 
sess is often clouded with impending risk, 
and not seldom terminating in ruin and 
disappointment. 

Though far from being a manufacturing 
country, America, if I may be allowed the 
expression, is a mine of materials of Infi- 
nite and unknown variety; and from a 
space so extensive, comprehending so vast 
a diversity of climate and soil, how many 
veins rich and exhaustless remain yet to be 
explored ? * 

And 

# To give an instance forcibly illustrative of this — < 
It was not until within the last five or six years that it be- 
came 



m 

And now to Great Britain, how ob- 
viously interesting must the above appear? 
whose ingenuity and whose industry, may 
long promise to receive from stores so am- 
ple, an abundant supply of innumerable 
articles calculated for the exercise of both. 
It should not be forgotten in the United 
States along with this, that an eager and 
ready market will from the like causes, at 
most times present itself for the disposal of 
what they are capable of producing. If 
any argument can proclaim loudly for a 
lasting good understanding betw r een the 
countries, I am vain enough to believe it 
must in some degree arise from what is here 
attempted to be advanced: and where a 
reciprocity of advantage so considerable 
must naturally result, it would be 
something' more than weakness or the 

came generally understood by the planters of the three 
Southern States, North and South Carolina, and Georgia, 
that the greater part of their lands, would be found 
perfectly adapted to the culture of the cotton plant. 
Since this has been learned, this branch of cultivation, 
has in a primary degree supplanted every other ; 
and the article of cotton, promises shortly to become* 
if it be not already, their staple production. Before 
the introduction of this, rice claimed the pre-eminence. 

want 



63 

want of common pi udence in either, not 
to conform strenuously in every proper and 
consistent act, to preserve and to per- 
petuate a continuation of it. 

From what I have ventured to advance 
in the early part of these sketches, it may 
be collected, a belief is entertained, that 
too great a degree of relaxation in the ad- 
ministration of the laws and government 
of the United States, may not be found 
productive of the end desired ; and that 
by throwing too great a degree of force 
into the popular scale, the equilibrium 
of the balance may be for ever destroyed. 
A refractory disposition having already 
twice shewn itself in direct opposition to 
the constituted authorities of the govern- 
ment in one of the States, which threatened 
from the numbers engaged in it, and the 
menacing aspect it assumed, to endanger 
in an alarming degree the general harmony 
of the country, may lead us to conclude, 
that any forbearance in enforcing due obe- 
dience to the laws, by trusting to the virtue 
or patriotism of the multitude, will be as 
distant of success in the Republic of Ame- 
rica, as in any other republic or monarchy 

of 



6i 

of the earth.-* If conjecture might be 
hazarded, we should perhaps say it would 
answer less ; especially when it is known, 
that a very considerable part of the people 
of the United States are drawn from fo- 
reign shores, w^ho invited by more flatter- 
ing prospects than they could discover in 
their own countries, will at times be smitten 
with a thousand recollections of the places 
and institutions they left behind them; and if 
disappointed here, all or many of those re- 
collections will suggest something compara- 
tively defective, or below what they were 
taught to expect. Whoever is at all ac- 
quainted with the American States, must 
have found prodigious numbers of the lat- 
ter description, who had been principally 
induced to emigrate from the heightened 
and alluring colours in which the nature 
and benefits to accrue from an establish- 
ment within them had been painted. And 
indeed so plausible and specious have most 
of such offers appeared ; so overpowering 
and irresistible the great advantages pro- 

# The suppression of the two insurrections in Penn- 
sylvania, cost the United States one million six hundred 
and eighty-two thousand dollars. 

mised 



65 

mised to await the emigrant, that it can 
excite but small astonishment that there 
should have been so many eager to aban- 
don their own land in search of this Land 
of Promise. Whether an accession of hap- 
piness, or an increase of misfortune and 
difficulty, has in numberless instances been 
the result of this undertaking, I believe 
might be easily determined. 

America, arduous as she is to extend 
her population, must extend it in a great 
measure by the emigrations of foreigners ; 
amongst whom, a very large proportion 
from every country, will be found to com- 
prise, the vicious, the idle, and the discon- 
tented ; — the honest, the industrious, and 
the oppressed, of whatever nation, I en- 
tirely omit : the value of such is an high 
and inestimable treasure to any country. 
But whether out of the classes I have first 
named, will be produced better citizens in 
the United States, than they had made in 
the countries from whence they emigrated, 
will surely appear improbable and full of 
doubt. Without the aid of such supplies, 
it has already appeared in the American 
States, that there are too many, who seem 

£ to 



66 

hold in the most absolute contempt every 
shape and species of subordination and 
government ; and who either affect to 
despise, or are really insensible of the in- 
dispensable utility and salutary conse- 
quences of laws.* 

The population of the United States is 
now estimated at somewhat more than five 
millions. This number of persons is dis- 
persed over a space of country extending 
to nearly sixteen degrees of latitude on the 
sea coast, between the degrees of thirty- 

* This charge is perhaps more directly applicable to 
those inhabiting the States which have been recently 
added to the American Union — Vermont, Kentucky, and 
Tenassee ; though without injustice, it may be also ap- 
plied to a great proportion of those who are settled in 
the upper or back parts of the States collectively. The 
States I have above named, have been chiefly populated 
by emigrations from their sister States, and by very consi- 
derable supplies of people latterly from Ireland. Of 
those persons who have sought a residence within the 
new States from other parts of the American Union, 
several have been known to return to their former situ- 
aions, not dissatisfied with regard to the fertility of their 
soil or the natural advantages connected with them ; of 
both, very flattering concurrence of opinion generally 
prevailing; but rather disappointed at the state in 
which they found society, and disapproving the habits 
and manners of the mass of their citizens, 

one 



67 

one and forty- seven: in length, one thou- 
sand two hundred and fifty miles ; and in 
breadth, one thousand and forty ; and com- 
prehending within the whole, five hundred 
and eighty-nine millions of acres of ground. 
From the above calculations it would ap- 
pear, that a considerable time must elapse 
before the population of it could in 
any way become so far numerous as 
to render the inhabitants at all in the 
way of each other. This however, has 
been latterly denied ; and a writer who 
has recently taken a view of this subject,* 
fixing the increase on regular and progres- 
sive data, observes — " That in 1791> the 
population of America was numbered at 
four millions; in twenty-four years, it will 
amount to eight millions ; in forty years, 
to sixteen millions ; in sixty years to thirty- 
two millions ; in eighty years, to sixty- 
four millions; and eighty-five years, to 
eighty millions." Mr. Jefferson, in his Notes 
on Virginia, is also alike sanguine on a ra- 
pid and extraordinary increase of popula- 
tion in the United States. The Abbe Ray- 

* The Due de Liancourt,— Travels in the United 
States of North America, octavo, vol. 4. p. 540. 

nal 



68 

ml falls far below them both ; he says~r* 
" If ever ten millions of men find a cer- 
tain subsistence in the American provinces, 
it will be. much/' Perhaps the opinions 
of the Abbe Raynal on this subject, may 
not now be deemed entitled to hold the 
estimation they did, previous to the pro- 
vinces he speaks of undergoing the great 
political change which they have since 
done. — An event, had he been at all 
aware of it, that would in all likelihood 
have produced some difference of senti- 
ment; and the predominating influence 
of which, it may be presumed, would not 
have escaped his acknowledged sagacity, 
and superior philosophical penetration. 

Should the calculation however of the lat- 
ter benolonger admitted on this point, there 
are some reasons for believing that those of 
the former, are much too indefinite and con- 
jectural; and various causes which may 
occur to retard an increase of people like 
what they have spoken of. — Of these, the 
single one of climate cannot be viewed as 
beii3g likely to bear the least considerable 
sway. A large proportion of the United 
States, from the most accurate inquiries, is 

certainly 



69 

certainly less healthful than most of the 
countries of Europe. If the most salu- 
brious parts within them approach near 
those countries in this respect, it is the 
whole they possibly may be allowed to 
claim. But between the Northern and 
Southern States, the difference of climate 
is astonishingly great ; and is a calamity 
that in the latter is severely felt, and an 
inconvenience that proves greatly in the 
way of their advancement. From Vir- 
ginia, even this State is not entirely to be 
exempted, the country becomes pregnant 
with disease ; and in the three States to 
the southward of it, the Carolinas and 
Georgia, health cannot be said to be en- 
joyed but in a very limited degree. The 
people inhabiting the mountainous, or up- 
per parts of these States, are less subject 
to disease th^n those who reside on the 
swamps or marshes of them ; for most de- 
structive, and fatal indeed, are the last 
places tp the human constitution. 

Many of the natives who live in the 
lower parts of the Southern States, perti- 
naciously insist on the salubrity of the air, 
and wholesomeness of the climate of their 

upper 



70 

upper country. Comparatively viewed, 
they perhaps may be entitled to some dis- 
tinction, though I believe, few will be 
found situated in either, whose squalid 
countenances and emaciated forms, do not 
too conspicuously discover the repeated 
conflicts they must have had with the 
baneful concomitant of both — the fall- 
fever. In these States, this is the emphatic, 
and almost the exclusive name, by which 
disease is denominated. 

The above may be considered as one 
reason for determining, that the increase 
of population, at least in the States last 
named, will not advance with the same 
rapidity as in the Northern. Emigration, 
from like causes, must to them be less 
frequent, as the end to be attained from , 
it, will from so discouraging an obstacle, 
be in a great degree defeated. 

In the cities or large towns that are si- 
tuated near the sea, as Charleston, South 
Carolina; Wilmington, North Carolina; 
&c. &c. this periodical, or autumnal fever, 
is not known, as it is in the country im- 
mediately contiguous to them. The city 
of Savannah, in Georgia, is not particu- 
larly 



71 

lady unhealthful, although it is removed 
some miles from the sea. But the fever 
which has made such melancholy and 
dreadful ravages for some years past in 
the first city, has proved far more de- 
plorable in its consequences, than the 
malady of which I have just spoken. 

The islands on the sea near the coast, 
are but slightly effected by the fall-fever* 
What yet appears extraordinary, and seems 
to determine the locality of disease in the 
States I am no>v dwelling on, is, that the 
Floridas, which are some degrees farther 
to the south, and infinitely hotter, are 
nevertheless very generally considered as 
being less liable to complaint. The fall- 
fever, partially known in Virginia, rarely 
extends beyond the neighbourhood of its 
rivers. 

It is a belief very generally entertained, 
that w T hat is called the lower country of the 
Carolinas and Georgia, would in very few 
years be altogether depopulated, were it 
not for the supplies of people they occa- 
sionally receive by emigrations from Eu- 
rope, and from the other States. 

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